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  3. What a difference a claim makes, anybody else who claimed there even was a steaknife, Morrisson damned and lambasted as crackpots and securocrats, until he realised there was a few quid in it for him Danny's latest take on steaknife http://www.dannymorrison.com/?p=3620 Scap No 10's top murderer
  4. Great site. This one focus's on the Tan War in Cork. http://homepage.eircom.net/~corkcounty/
  5. Very interesting stuff. Imagine not asking for a permit to have a parade! They were wild boys back then.
  6. Redenahn sounds like Renighan which is a common name in S Ulster
  7. So this is the legacy I can pass on to my children and grandchildren, though when I tell them they look at me with a mix of surprise and dread but I couldn't be prouder. I would be curious if anyone would have more in-depth information about any of these incidents. I also found out my paternal great-grandmothers maiden names were Walsh and Redenahn. The latter is a name I have never heard and wonder if it could be a misspelling.
  8. My grandmother's brothers file is from January 1919 and contains information on his activities and subsequent imprisonment. In August of 1918 he lead the Drumanness Sinn Fein band on a parade. He was stopped by the RIC and asked for a permit, he told them he did not have a permit but intended to take the band out anyway and it was a religious thing and not political. Consequently he was charged with being guilty of a 9AA D.R. (Defense of the Realm?) offense and fined 5 pounds, which I assume was a huge amount of money at the time. He appealed the charge and lost and a warrant was issued for recovery of the fine or imprisonment. On November 6, 1918 a Sargent and two constables went to collect him and found him walking towards his mothers house, when they appealed to him to halt he pointed a loaded revolver at them and stated he would shoot if they came any closer. They failed to execute the warrant and the next evening his brother-in-law paid the fine but by this time he was tried by court martial and found guilty of carrying arms without a permit and endangering the safety of a police constable in the execution of his duties. The next time they came after him, he was found working in a potato field and he went after them with a pronged instrument. At some point he ended up H.M. Prison Belfast awaiting sentencing. He was housed in a section of the prison reserved for prisoners awaiting sentencing but on the morning of Dec. 22, 1918 he attended Divine Service (their words) in the Catholic chapel and left with a group of D.O.R.A. prisoners. They then proceeded to the block these prisoners were held in, apparently they were afforded some sort of political status as a result of previous hunger strikes. They barricaded the entrance to the 3 wards assigned to them in anticipation of the authorities removing my great uncle back to the section of prison he was meant to be in. The prison authorities appealed for help from the police and military as the protest continued. The Lord Mayor's of Dublin and Belfast as well as the Bishop of Connor and Down were consulted as the thought was any action in the prison would lead to riots across the country. There was a shortage of police and military at the time due to (I assume) the Christmas Holiday and the election of Dec. 28th was also mentioned. They cut off their food, water and heat supply though on January 1, 1919 this action was stopped and he was returned to the appropriate section of the prison. That is all the file contains, I do know that this brother did not emigrate to America though I don't recall ever hearing anything about him.
  9. Through a series of events that would take a whole thread to explain, I recently became acquainted with my first cousin and his family on facebook. It turns out his wife had done an extensive search on ancestry.com on my fathers family. I have mentioned on here before that his parents left Ireland somewhere between 1916-1921/22, with his father said to have been sneaked out of the country. These were just rumors and whispers in our family my entire life, as it seemed they did not want their activities in Ireland known. While now I have learned details that confirm my thoughts. Both my grandfather (my dads father) and my grandmother's (dads mother) brother have files in Ireland intelligence profiles 1914-1922, described on ancestry.com as a collection of intelligence profiles on leading Irish Nationalists. My grandfather's file is from 1916 and contains information on him and a co-worker both postmen in Clogher, Co. Tryone. Some of the highlights of the file state that they were Irish Volunteers or Sinn Feiners very active in the recent rising in Dublin (that part was underlined in red) they also apparently were involved in a sham battle under the leadership of a James O'Connell, in Ballysealy (some of the entries are hand written and hard to decipher). This so called sham battle took place the 15 -17th July, 1915. They were also seen wearing Republican badges and attending a memorial service for the executed leaders of the Easter Rising in July, 1916. The service was said to have been attended by approximately 40 people, including 12 young women one of whom was a (can't read the first name though it appears to have an i in it) Connolly said to be a daughter of James Connolly. There is no further record of what happened to them, no arrest or imprisonment though there were letters to the Postmaster General stating both men should be dismissed from their positions, they were also described as the two most dangerous men in the district as their positions afforded them the opportunity to pass huge amounts of seditious material. The file is 32 pages, many of which are blank though there does appear to be faint writing on them, it is illegible. I believe that this proves my grandfather did leave Ireland in the latter half of 1916, I do know that he had an uncle already living in the town in NY I come from and he came here and worked with him on a huge estate in the town. The owner of the estate (a woman by the name of Mary Clark Thompson) actually left him $5,000 in her will when she died and sold them the house my father and his siblings were raised in. I will post the information on my grandmother's brother in the next post.
  10. Thatcher could not believe Airey was blown up to the fairy's- and she broke down crying- spectacular INLA operation-
  11. Maith sibh, Óglaigh an INLA On March 30th 1979, the INLA struck at the very heart of British Imperialism when they executed the right wing Tory war lord Airey Neave in a car bomb. His car exploded, as he drove out of the House of Commons underground carpark, in Westminster. Mr Neave, aged 63, was one of Mrs Thatcher's closest advisers
  12. Sinn Fein Then- Still Sinn Fein today-
  13. 1918 was the last time the Irish people freely decided their will on the national question. Ever since they have only been offered British substitutes. #Brexit #Article50
  14. The PSNI are today's Black and Tans-Lol--
  15. On the 25th of March 1920 the Black and Tans were deployed to Ireland, and they still remain here under other names!
  16. ON THIS DATE (8TH MARCH) 51 YEARS AGO : PILLAR OF SOCIETY LOOSES HIS STANDING... In 1808, Trinity College in Dublin donated £100 towards the building of Nelsons Pillar, and Arthur Guinness and Sons gave £25. The total cost of the Pillar was £6856, 8 shillings and 3 pence (including the railings around it..) and it (and the railings!) were 'part-removed' on Tuesday, 8th March, 1966 - 51 years ago on this date - without 'permission' from Trinity College, Guinness, Leinster House or Westminster! The structure was erected in the then Sackville Street (named after the then British 'Lord' Lieutenant of Ireland, Lionel Cranfield Sackville aka the 'Duke of Dorset') in 1808, in honour of British Admiral 'Lord' Nelson's "victories at sea". The column was about 120 feet high and Nelson's statue (designed by Cork sculptor Thomas Kirk) stood 13 feet tall on top of it. At about 1.30am on the morning of Tuesday, 8th March 1966, an explosion blew the top part of the column asunder and what was left of Nelson landed on the ground, as did hundreds of tons of (other!) rubble. The IRA was suspected of involvement, but quickly distanced itself from the job, declaring that they were more interested in removing actual British imperialism from Ireland rather than just the symbols of it - the 'Saor Éire' group let it be known that its activists were responsible, that the codename for the operation was 'Operation Humpty Dumpty' and that, a day or two beforehand, they had left a device on site which failed to detonate and was retrieved, repaired and left back on Monday night, the 7th March 1966.The front page of the Irish Times on the 8th March 1966 read : 'The top of Nelson Pillar, in O'Connell street, Dublin, was blown off by a tremendous explosion at 1.32 o'clock this morning and the Nelson statue and tons of rubble poured down into the roadway. By a miracle, nobody was injured, though there were a number of people in the area at the time...', which could be said to be probably the first time that Nelson's arrival in an area didn't hurt anyone. The two-headed, one-armed and one-eyed Nelson '..understood the need to annihilate the enemy..he led the fleet into harm's way, picking out the enemy flagship as his target, leaving it a crippled hulk and the enemy fleet a leaderless mob..after that his followers could complete the task..no one ever argued that he was a paragon of matchless virtue (but) for 200 years his reputation has been besmirched with accusations of infidelity..yes, Nelson had his faults (his vanity, love of applause and vulnerability to flattery)..' (from here) was given a headache by Irish republican Seán Ó Brádaigh, and others, in the 1950's, when an attempt was made to melt the head of the statue and de Valera is said to have asked the 'Irish Press' newspaper to run with a front-page headline declaring 'British Admiral Leaves Dublin By Air' !
  17. Brón orm, Níl
  18. bhfuil aithne agat ar 'eamus na Gaeilge' ? rinne sé Clár faisnéise faoi meaghar cupla bliain o shin anois, bhí sé ar TG4 Dúshlán bhféidir ach níl mé in ann é a fhail
  19. On this day March 5th 1921, the IRA ambushed a British army convoy near Clonbanin, near Derrinagree, killing Brigadier General H. R. Cumming, one of the highest ranked British officers to die in the Irish War of Independence. After two hours fighting, 13 British were dead, and 15 wounded, while the republicans suffered no casualties. —- In early March, 1921 Sean Moylan, Commandant of the Newmarket Column, made the decision to ambush a British party of senior officers and their military guard returning from an inspection tour in Kerry. The position he selected was at Clonbanin, near Derrinagree, which was about five miles from Kanturk, where there was a strong military post and five miles north of Millstreet, then garrisoned by a force of Black and Tans and RIC. At 3 a.m. on the morning of the 3rd. March, Moylan’s column moved out for Clonbanin and was in position by 6 a.m. They were joined by a section of the Kerry No. 2 Brigade Column, under Commandant Tom McEllistrim, and a detachment from Charleville Battalion Column, under Commandant Paddy O’Brien. The Newmarket and Charleville units occupied positions on the northern side of the road. The Kerry men and a section of the Millstreet Column had positions on the south side of the road. They had one of the Hotchkiss guns captured at Mallow, manned by Bill Moylan and Denis Galvin. The remainder of the Millstreet Column occupied a position covering the roads from Kanturk to deal with expected reinforcements from that direction. The local companies provided scouting and protective elements. Commandant Paddy O’Brien detailed the sections to their positions and Commandant Moylan arranged for the laying of the half dozen road mines which the force had. And at 7 a.m. the column was ready for action. Strict instructions had been given to the section com­manders that fire was not to be opened on any target until a mine was exploded, the explosion being the signal for attack. This was necessary because of a decision come to by Commandants Moylan and O’Brien that a very small British force passing through the position would not be attacked, as long as the hope of intercepting a larger target existed. At 10 a.m. the outposts signalled three lorries coming from the east. This was unexpected, but Moylan and O’Brien decided to attack. As the leading lorry drove over the mine controlled by Moylan he pressed the switch but there was no explosion. At the same moment O’Brien, covering the driver, pressed the trigger of his rifle. The round failed to go off. Incredibly, the three lorries passed through the ambush position, a soldier in one of them playing an accordion, the others singing, blissfully unaware of how close they had been from disaster. It later transpired that the reason for the mine failure was that high tension wires were being used with a low tension battery. However, it was still early in the day and the expected convoy from the west would surely make an appearance. The men settled down again for a long wait. At 2.15 p.m. the patience of the waiting column was rewarded; a convoy was signalled coming from the west. It consisted of three lorries, an armoured car and a touring car. The vehicles were spaced, as had been anticipated, at such intervals as to cover half a mile of road. No attempt was made now to use the mines. Fire was opened on the leading lorry, the driver was hit and it was ditched. A burst from the Hotchkiss penetrated the slit in front of the driver of the armoured car; the driver was wounded and it too was ditched. The remaining vehicles halted, their occupants dismounting rapidly and seeking whatever cover was available. A tall man in officer’s uniform was seen to jump from the touring car and run for cover on the north side of the road. He was shot down before reaching there and was later discovered to be Brigadier-General Cumming. The action intensified and developed into a long duel that did not end until dusk. Shortly after the armoured car was ditched its heavy machine-gun came into action and continued firing during the entire course of the fight. The opposing forces were about equal in strength but the British had the advantage of heavier weapons and a far better supply of ammunition. The armoured car commanded the road and prevented two efforts made by the IRA to drive in the flanks of the British position. The British forces, too, attempted an outflanking manoeuvre but it was defeated by IRA. fire. The British had the advantage also of a deep ditch and several houses which gave them cover from the fire of the Kerry and Millstreet units on the south side of the road. The I.R.A. had no means of putting the armoured car out of action and they always had to consider the possibility of reinforcements reaching the British. The sound of firing could be heard distinctly at Kanturk, Newmarket and Millstreet, and reinforcements from these posts would eventually arrive. General Cumming’s brigade headquarters at Buttevant was only twenty-five miles away, and the fight had continued for well over two hours. As dusk drew in it was decided to withdraw, the Kerry and Millstreet units to the west, and the Newmarket and Charleville units north to Kiskeam. It was learned later that the British casualties were thirteen killed and fifteen wounded. The columns suffered no casualties. This article originates from Cork’s War of Independence The incident was reported on the front page of the New York Times (March 7th 1921) BRIGADIER SLAIN IN IRISH AMBUSH General Cumming Shot Dead on West Cork Road Despite Strong Guard. FIGHT KEPT UP AN HOUR DUBLIN, March 6.–Brig. Gen. H. R. Cumming, D. S. 0., was killed in an ambush In West Cork yesterday afternoon. He was in control of a Kerry brigade and was returning heavily escorted from Killarney to his headquarters at Buttevant. General Cumming had just crossed the border from Kerry into Cork when the attack developed. The touring car in which he traveled with his aide de camp was preceded by three tenders filled with troops of the East Lancashire Regiment and an armored car protected the rear. At the point where the ambush took place- the country is bleak and mountainous and the rebels were well concealed among the gorse covering the slopes on both sides of the road. They had laid their plans carefully. Road mines had been prepared but proved defective and did not explode. The fact that the chauffeur of the leading tender was badly wounded complicated the position for the troops, of whom there were less than forty altogether, while the attackers outnumbered them and were largely armed with service rifles. The tender ran into the ditch, and the armored car in endeavoring to pass it and come into action suffered a similar fate under a hail of bullets poured on them from the high ground by their opponents, who were so cunningly under cover that they were seldom seen during the whole of the hour’s skirmish. The troops dismounted and replied as best they could. General Cumming was hit in the head shortly after leaving his car and died immediately. One party from the head of the convoy graduaily worked round to the rear of the rebels on the south side of the road, but before they could open an effective fire the attackers became aware of their precarious situation and dispersed. The body holding the north side of the road also retired when their flanks became endangered from another laborious enveloping movement by the troops and the engagement ended in an intermittent exchange of shots. The military casualties were two officers killed :and two of other ranks wounded. The scene of the ambush is variously stated as Clonbammis and Clonbanin, the latter being near Cullen, which is north of Milistreet and about nine miles from Kanturk. Crown forces made exhaustive search of the neighborhood afterward, but with what result is unknown, nor is it ascertained whether the Republicans met with any casualties. General Strickland had been on a tour of inspection in this area during the week, and in some quarters It is believed the ambush was prepared in expectation that he would pass that way. The entire district is a notorious operating ground for rebels, and General Cumming in dealing with the section had the hardest task of any of the subordinate commanders in Ireland. One of his last important duties was to preside at the semipublic inquiry into the Mallow shootings, which were the cause of the recent threatened railway strike in Ireland. The ambushers were in possession of at least one machine gun and a big stock of hand grenades. ==== BELFAST, March 6.—Brig. Gen. Cumming, who was killed at Clonbain on Saturday when a military convoy was ambushed, had his headquarters In the barracks at Buttevant, some miles to the northeast of the scene of the ambush. Recently General Cumming had motored each morning to Mallow, where he presided over the court of inquiry into the murder there recently of Mrs. King, wife of County Inspector King, and the shooting of railway men after the Murder. Extraordinary precautions were taken on these trips. Parties of soldiers motored in advance. General Cumming following in his own car with two soldiers sitting behinf him. An armoured car with machine guns ready brought up the rear. Outside the court house during the precedings of the court, at the hotel where the General ate lunch and in the streets traversed by him between the court house and the hotel, large detachments stood guard. Two previous attempts had been made to ambush General Cumming. 1921 Two-British-officers-surnamed-Lawson-and-Adams-with-Brigadier-General-H.-R.-Cumming-in-Kenmare-County-Kerry-shortly-before-their deaths at the hands of the IRA Two British officers surnamed Lawson and Adams with Brigadier General H. R. Cumming in Kenmare County Kerry shortly before their deaths at the hands of the IRA in 1921
  20. ON 5 MARCH 1867, the ill-fated Rising by the Irish Republican Brotherhood, popularly known as the Fenians, consisted of sporadic and short-lived confrontations with British forces in a few locations across Ireland. But this was by no means the end of the IRB and the continuing influence of Fenianism was profound. IT WAS A BITTERLY COLD NIGHT of blizzards and snow. In south County Dublin, large bands of men gathered for the long-postponed armed insurrection against British rule in Ireland. But promised arms from America had not arrived. Poorly armed or unarmed, the men went through a night of bitter disappointment, confusion, tragedy and finally dispersal for most, imprisonment for many and death for a few. Similar scenes on a minor scale occurred in Cork, Limerick, Tipperary, Waterford and Louth in that month of March 1867. The month before, in County Kerry, unaware that the Rising, originally fixed for February, had been postponed, Fenians marched from Cahirciveen towards Killarney before dispersing. To many an outside observer it must have seemed that the Irish rebels had lived up to the British propaganda image of them as ineffective, divided and infiltrated by informers. While there was a grain of truth in some of this, the propaganda image was designed to hide the sheer scale, depth and extent of Fenianism as a political and military phenomenon in Ireland, Britain and North America. It was a force that had the potential to subvert British rule in Ireland with very serious wider implications for the British Empire, both before and long after 1867. The Irish Republican Brotherhood – also known as the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood – was founded in Dublin on St Patrick’s Day 1858. Its leader was James Stephens, a veteran of the Young Ireland Rising of 1848. Another ’48 veteran, John O’Mahony, simultaneously established the Fenian Brotherhood of America, naming it after the Fianna, the legendary heroic figures of ancient Ireland. “Fenians” became the popular name for the movement on both sides of the Atlantic. The fire of Fenianism soon blazed high, finding a ready response in a nation devastated by the Great Hunger of 1845-1849 during which at least a million people died of starvation and disease and a million emigrated. The flow of people out of Ireland was unceasing throughout the 1850s and 1860s, and from 1858 the popular political movement among those who remained and those who emigrated, especially the young, was Fenianism. Ireland was still in the grip of British rule and landlordism, the twin evils that had caused the Great Hunger, and thousands of people were soon pledged and organised to break that grip. In Ireland, Stephens was very successful in building up the organisation based in secret ‘circles’ spread throughout the country. His confidence and apparent daring won many recruits and the movement spread quickly, especially in the cities and towns among tradesmen and the labouring class. In the United States, the movement grew among the ever-expanding Irish communities, with a steady flow of recruits and money. The trans-Atlantic strength of the movement was shown in 1861 when the body of the patriot Terence Bellew McManus was repatriated to Ireland and interred in Glasnevin after a huge and impressive funeral organised by the IRB. The pro-British Catholic Archbishop of Dublin Cardinal Cullen tried to thwart the funeral and led widespread clerical condemnation of Fenianism then and subsequently. Because of this hostility and that of the press, Stephens founded The Irish People newspaper in 1863. It championed Irish republicanism and had a radical social edge. As one modern historian, Marta Ramón (A Provisional Dictator – James Stephens and the Fenian Movement, 2007),has commented: “The paper’s campaigns in favour of peasant proprietorship, social egalitarianism, working-class self-reliance, or independence from ecclesiastical influence in political matters, appeared to the movement’s contemporaries as the thin end of the wedge of a whole new social arrangement, and one that middle-class constitutionalist nationalists had every reason to oppose.” The Fenians exposed the hypocrisy of the Catholic Hierarchy who blessed the British Empire and the Irishmen who joined its army but at the same time condemned those pledged to Irish freedom. A founder member of the IRB, Jeremiah O’Donovan Rossa, summed this up in a ballad: No sin to kill for English greed in some far foreign clime, How can it be that patriot love in Ireland is a crime? How can it be by God’s decree I’m cursed, outlawed and banned Because I swore one day to free my trampled native land? The aim of the Fenian movement was to establish an Irish Republic and its method was by force of arms through insurrection in Ireland with the support of officers, arms and money from the United States and with the co-operation of Fenians in England and Scotland. As the movement grew, tension and anticipation heightened, not least among the British authorities. Despite later claims that the movement was riddled with informers (though informers there were) it was remarkably watertight given its size and the significant financial inducements offered by the British authorities. The success of Fenian recruiting among Irishmen in the British Army in Ireland was such that the chief recruiter, John Devoy, later estimated that they had up to 15,000 members in regiments stationed in the country, ready to rise at the IRB’s command. This was in 1865, but the unique opportunity was to pass, never to recur. Insurrection was promised by James Stephens and aimed for in 1865 but the arrest of most of the Irish leadership and the suppression of the Irish People newspaper in the autumn of that year was a severe blow. Stephens was held in Richmond Prison and was sprung from that jail by the IRB in November, his escape giving a brief boost to a movement that had been greatly disrupted. In February 1866, John Devoy and other key ‘soldier Fenians’ in the British Army were arrested. James Stephens was heavily criticised for not ‘giving the word’ to rise and his leadership was coming to an end. In the United States in 1866, the Fenian movement was also experiencing serious internal division. John O’Mahony struggled to maintain control over the organisation which he compared to a wild horse. He was determined to focus its energy on sending practical aid, including a military expedition, for the planned rising in Ireland. But the ‘Senate wing’ of the movement, led by millionaire Irish-American WR Roberts, wanted to launch an invasion of British-controlled Canada. An initially successful raid was made across the border but it could not be followed up after the US authorities clamped down. The Fenian split in the USA was complex but a key factor was that some leaders, such as Roberts, were using the movement to advance their personal ambitions among Irish communities who were beginning to flex their muscles in US politics. Many Irishmen who had fought in the American Civil War (1861-1865) were Fenians and were eager to fight for Irish freedom. In the winter of 1866/67, significant numbers of them made their way to Ireland. Stephens was by now discredited and in December 1866 he was replaced by Civil War veteran Colonel Thomas Kelly as head of the IRB. A French adventurer and political radical, Cluseret (later a leader in the Paris Commune), was recruited by Kelly as a military commander. On 10 February 1867, the Provisional Government of the Irish Republic was established with Kelly at its head. It issued a Proclamation, a precursor of 1916, which was socially advanced and internationalist: “Republicans of the entire world! Our cause is your cause. Our enemy is your enemy.” It also appealed to the “workmen of England”, reflecting contact between the fledgling workers’ movement in Britain and the Fenians. 5 March 1867 was set as the date for the Rising. In England, the Fenians planned a daring raid on Chester Castle, which had a large store of arms but was poorly guarded. The attempt, for which 1,200 north of England Fenians mobilised on 11 February, was betrayed by the informer John Joseph Corydon. Two days later, the premature outbreak in Kerry took place, with the seizure of the barracks in Cahirciveen, which was the beginning and end of that action. Despite these disasters, preparations for 5 March went ahead. The main focus was Dublin where Fenians were to mobilise in the city and to the south in Tallaght and the Dublin mountains. The principal body of Fenians was at Tallaght and they assembled on that night of fierce weather only to be thwarted by confused leadership and totally inadequate arms. Nonetheless, several hundred marched on the barracks where they were fired on by a small force of police. In the confusion, the Fenians thought they were facing a much larger force and retreated. Two Fenians were killed – Stephen Donoghue and Thomas Farrell. (They are buried in the Fenian Plot in Glasnevin Cemetery). Elsewhere in south Dublin that night, a smaller but better-armed and organised body of Fenians set out for the mountains from Palmerstown Park. They fired on Dundrum Barracks and went on to capture Stepaside and Glencullen barracks, seizing arms and taking prisoners. In an account published in America in 1905 (quoted in the 1958 Wolfe Tone Annual) Henry P Filgate, who took part, says that the men marched in regular military formation, some armed with modern rifles, and his officer, Patrick Lennon, ordered police to “surrender to the Irish Republic”. ' Isolated mobilisations also took place in Counties Cork, Limerick and Tipperary, and a large number of Fenians assembled in Drogheda. By the night of 6 March, the much-heralded Rising was over, a mere shadow of what it might have been. But this was far from the end of Fenianism. Too late, a Fenian arms ship, the Jacknell, renamed Erin’s Hope, sailed from New York, reached Ireland in May and then returned across the Atlantic. In September in England, Thomas Kelly was arrested and, following his rescue from a prison van in Manchester, three young Irishmen – William Allen, Michael Larkin and Michael O’Brien – were framed and executed in November, gaining immortality in the annals of Irish republicanism as “The Manchester Martyrs”. Despite the catastrophe of 1867, the Irish Republican Brotherhood remained alive in Ireland and, though divided, Fenianism persisted in the United States. There were Fenian bombing campaigns in the 1870s and 1880s in England, and the threat of force influenced the Irish policy of British governments, as even Prime Minister William Gladstone admitted. The Fenians played a key role in the Land War of the 1880s. The IRB was revived at the start of the 20th Century by former Fenian prisoner Tom Clarke, in conjunction with John Devoy, head of Clan na Gael in the USA. Devoy and Clarke were the main movers in planning the 1916 Rising and to Clarke went the honour of being first signatory of the Proclamation of the Irish Republic. James Connolly wrote of Feniansim that “its glory consisted in the fact that against all odds . . . there were proven to be in Ireland thousands of men and women who were prepared to affirm that Ireland was a nation with an independent destiny of its own” and that “we of the working class are proud to remember that those heroes were of our own class”
  21. Thousands of Fenians to descend on Tallaght on Sunday » Mícheál Mac Donncha The Fenians stood by the same principles contained in the 1916 Proclamation HORDES OF FENIANS, some of them fresh from victories in the North, are to descend on Tallaght, County Dublin, this Sunday. They will be addressed in Tallaght village by a renowned rebel from the far South. Revealing details of the march and rally, Sinn Féin TD and Chair of the party's Fenian Commemoration Committee, Aengus Ó Snodaigh TD, said that, as in the Fenian rising of 1867, they are prepared to brave all weathers. The 150th Anniversary of the Fenian Rising and the Battle of Tallaght Commemorative Parade will assemble at Citywest shops at 2pm on Sunday and parade to Tallaght village where the main speaker will be Sinn Féin TD Martin Ferris. Aengus Ó Snodaigh says: “The procession, led by the Cabra Historical Society, will march through areas where, 150 years ago, thousands of Dublin Fenians travelled on their way to join in the planned rising. The ill-fated rising led to the death of two Fenians, Thomas Farrell and Stephen O’Donoghue, and the arrest of hundreds.” Local Sinn Féin TD Seán Crowe will chair the event which includes music, songs, dancers and military drill. It will be followed by a ballad session in Molloy’s Pub, just yards from the site of the clash between Fenians and the constabulary 150 years ago. Wreaths will be laid by family members of those who were involved that fateful night. Kerry TD Martin Ferris will be the main speaker at the commemoration. Aengus Ó Snodaigh TD issued a call people to turn out and take part in remembering one of the most significant organisations in Irish history, their rising in 1867 and the huge influence they had on politics in Ireland and abroad since: “Last year saw the Irish people celebrate the bravery and vision of the men and women of 1916. This Sunday I am calling on people to come out and remember their forerunners, the Fenians who stood by the same principles that were contained in the 1916 Proclamation. “They deserve the recognition for their foresight and their bravery from 1858 till 1916 when they kept the flame of Irish freedom alight."
  22. I agree......
  23. Was thinking of bringing the kids to this, but unlikely to make the start. Do you know the route they're taking?
  24. Aengus Ó Snodaigh TD, chairperson of Sinn Féin’s Fenian Commemoration Committee, is proud to announce the details for this Sunday’s 150th anniversary commemorative march and rally in remembrance of the Fenian Rising’s ‘Battle of Tallaght’ on March 5th 1867. Gathering near the City West Luas stop, the procession led by the Cabra Historical Society will march through areas where 150 years previous thousands of Dublin Fenians travelled on their way to join in the planned Rising. The Rising which was ill-fated led to death of two Fenians Thomas Farrell and Stephen O’Donoghue and the arrest of hundreds Local Sinn Féin TD Sean Crowe will chair the event which includes music, songs, dancers, and military drill and will be followed by a ballad session in Molloy’s Pub yards from the site of the clash between Fenians and the constabulary 150 years ago. Wreaths will be laid by family members of those who were involved that fateful night. Sinn Féin Kerry TD Martin Ferris will be the main speaker at the commemoration. Deputy Ó Snodaigh issued a call for local people republicans and supporters to turn out and take part in remembering one of the significant organisations in Irish history and their Rising in 1867 and the huge influence they played on politics and life in general in Ireland and abroad since, saying: “Last year saw the Irish people in their thousands celebrate the bravery and vision of the men and women of 1916. This Sunday, I am calling on people to come out and remember their forerunners, the Fenians that stood by the same principles that were contained in the 1916 Proclamation. They deserve the recognition for their bravery, their foresight, and their fortitude from 1858 till 1916 when they kept the flame of Irish freedom alight. ”
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